You can read about how I came to know about Dr. Boyd McNairy and his connection to my Sims family here. I updated this page in June 2013 with a chart showing the maternal links among the McNairy, Shelby, Minnick, Hodgekinson and Sims families.
TENTH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF THE PROTESTANT ORPHAN ASYLUM.
Assembled on an occasion of deep and touching interest, a mysterious dispensation of Providence, blended with the foundation of this Institution leads us back to that period, so full of trust and hopefulness, happily realized in the success which has attended our efforts. Since our last annual meeting it has pleased an All-Wise Power to move from her sphere of usefulness, Mrs. Ann Hitchcock, one of our former associates in our work of charity, and it becomes our solemn duty to place upon our records an event truly saddening to our feelings. When the little band of females assembled in 1845, to organize, and make laws for an Orphan Asylum, the subject of this melancholy notice, was elected President, and for six years presided over the institution with a devotion worthy of so sacred a trust. Her ability and untiring exertions materially contributed to place it in that happy state of progression, in which she left it when called away by parental duty to St. Louis. Resigning her charge here, she soon entered on a field of usefulness, and became First Directress of the "Orphan's Home." From this and various other humane enterprises, to which her active spirit impelled her, she was suddenly called away to be lamented by all who can appreciate disinterested benevolence. We would accompany this tribute of respect to her memory by an expression of our kind sympathies with her family, and a soothing hope, that her bright example may stimulate them and us to a lively discharge of such duties, as will prepare us for a welcome recognition in the realms of the Blessed.
To the Source of all mercies we would offer up our fervent gratitude that our children are all here in health and the enjoyment of the comforts suited to their tender ages; and it is a subject of gratifying flection, that they are steadily progressing in a useful and virtuous education. They cheerfully perform all the labor of the household, and in addition to making their own clothing have during the past summer, assisted by needlework, in lessening in a small way the necessary expenses.
In our last report it was suggested that a library would be a very useful appendage to the Institution, affording facilities to those whose age render them capable of receiving information from well selected books. This has been partially carried out. About 40 volumes have been contributed by the managers, and the theory happily realized, that reading and labor may be pleasantly and judiciously combined.
Could a more beautiful picture be presented to the mind of the philanthropist, than a group of these young girls, while busily plying the needle, imbibing instruction from alternately reading aloud. The mind thus stored with valuable ideas, may in after life find influence in cheating toil of its weariness, and softening the pang of affliction, opening to them mental treasure more enduring and more precious than the alluring pleasures of the world. Intelligence insures moral improvement, and in opening such elevating sources to them we prepare them to go forth, when they leave us, with minds well fortified against the temptations that may lay in their path.
The subject has at various periods been agitated, whether it is advisable under any circumstances to consign our children to any other guardianship than our own. In experiments that have been made, some have not been propitious in their results. In cases of adoption by those who are fully entitled to our confidence, there perhaps may arise no serious objection, as it may be reasonably inferred, that a kind of solicitude will ensure a judicious rearing. On the other hand placed by indenture, in families without slaves, they might find very respectable and comfortable homes, but our views could thus be but partially carried out. Would it not interfere with our long cherished wishes that in time they might materially assist by dress making and ornamental work, in defraying the expenses of the Institution? and thereby encourage in the laudable desire of feeling independent.
We hold in our hand the destinies of our Orphans for time and eternity, and it may be repeated, that a judicious culture of their minds and manners may have an influence on future and distant generations. We have in our little community many sensitive minds full of affection and gratitude, which, like delicate plants, require a gentle and fostering hand to prepare them for a world where all is not sunshine. We deprecate any measures which would have a tendency to relax our vigilant care. We could not, without a fearful look into the future, transfer them to new homes where restraints was rigid and salutary as our own, would not be supposed to exist. These views on a subject deemed of vital importance are respectfully submitted for consideration.
We have at the present time, thirty-three Orphans, some of them left destitute by the epidemic of the past Summer—several in the helpless state of infancy—calling for additional watchfulness of the Matron, who entitles herself to our sympathies, as well as our high appreciation of her kind devotion to her charge, and our entire approbation of her Superintendence, in every department.
To all who by their sympathies have contributed to throw a light around us, we fervently respond in the wish that they may ever be blessed with the smile of Him who left with his faithful followers the injunction, "Feed my Lambs." With these are included, Dr. McNairy, for efficient aid in case of a prolonged illness during the past summer; as also Mr. J. G. Brown for medicine gratuitously furnished, and the Publishers of the city, whose columns are ever generously open to our communications.
Nashville, Feb. 5, 1855. Cor. Sec'y.
Received during the year, ending February 5th, 1855.
From Boarding Children, $28.00
" Order on the County 500.00
" " " " " 15.00
" Sewing done at the Asylum, 16.15
" Proceedes of Concert, Fair & Supper, 877.77
" Donations and Subscriptions, 605.10
" Balance in the Treasury, Feb, 1854, 482.00
To Matron, $216.00
" Teacher, 120.00
" Insurance, 22.50
" Laying Pavements, 58.00
" Plastering, 56.00
" Grates and Fixtures, 16.50
" Gutter and Pipe, 10.80
" Printing, 7.00
" Rent of Odd Fellows' Hall for 1855, 15.00
" House expenses and clothing for Children, 859.24
Leaving a balance in Treasury of 1142.92
Mrs. W. B. Cooper, Treasurer.
MANAGERS FOR THE YEAR 1855.
Mrs. Dr. SHELBY, President,
" R. A. LAPSLEY, Vice President,
" C. STEWART, Corresponding Secretary,
" H.G. SCOVEL, Recording Secretary,
" W. B. COOPER, Treasurer.
Managers from the Christian Church.—Mrs. Hart, Mrs. C. J. F. Wharton, Mrs. Gleaves, Mrs. Goodwin
Episcopal Church.—Mrs. Dr. McNairy, Mrs. Dr. Martin, Mrs. Barrow.
First Presbyterian Church.—Mrs. C. Stout, Mrs. Robert Bell, Mrs. Dr. Porter, Mrs. J. McGavock.
Second Presbyterian Church.—Mrs. H. Rosser, Mrs. C. W. Smith, Mrs. Dickey.
Cumberland Presbyterian Church.—Mrs. Lewis Lanier, Mrs. Wilson, and Mrs. L. B. Fite.
First Baptist Church—Mrs. Anderson, Mrs. Bang, Mrs. Aaron Wright, and Mrs. Darden.
Old Regular Baptist Church.—Mrs. Paul, Mrs. Montague.
Methodist Church.—Mrs. Green, Mrs. Hamilton, Mrs. H.P. Bostick and Miss A. Lanier.
Reference: Nashville Union and American (Nashville, TN) 11 Feb 1855, p. 2 as indexed at Chronicling America Historic American Newspapers, National Endowment for the Humanities and Library of Congress, accessed September 2015
QUINCY, 5th.—I received from Nashville, Tennessee, a newspaper containing Andrew Jackson's first answer to my address to the young men of Boston. He is in great fury, but totally abandons the charge of the Erving treaty. I have been all the morning commenting upon James K. Polk's letter declaring his opinion in favor of the immediate annexation of Texas, in which he assails me directly by name; and the remainder of the day and evening, till eleven at night, I was absorbed in writing a reply to Jackson's letter to Robert Armstrong. The paper was enclosed to me by Boyd McNairy. Jackson denies positively that he ever advised the acceptance of the Sabine for the wester boundary. Whether he equivocates upon the word advised, or has totally forgotten his interview with me of 2d and 3d February, 1819? The memory of violent men is always the slave of their passions. Jackson pledges himself to answer my charge further as soon as he can procure the Erving manuscripts from Washington.
Reference: Charles Francis Adams, ed., Memoirs of John Qunicy Adams, comprising portions of His Diary from 1795 to 1848, Vol XII, A. G. Geer, Hoosigk Falls, NY, J. B. Lippincott & Co. Philadelphia, 1877, p. 101; freely available August 2015 on GooglePlay
The following entries are short summaries of selected letters held by the Library of Congress as part of the John Jordan Crittenden Papers. This reference does not have more information than shown here.
p.40: 09 May 1831—Boyd C. McNairy. Nashville .To Crittenden. Crittenden's candidacy for the legislature; Cabinet change at Washington; approval of Jackson in Tennessee; importance of Kentucky elections. A. L. S. 2p.
p.69: 13 Mar 1841—Boyd McNairy. Nashville. To Crittenden. Correspondence with Clay; application for a position; [James C.] Jones is Whig candidate for Governor and will "demolish Jimmy [James K.] Polk" A.L. S. 1p.
p. 108: 23 Nov 1847—Boyd McNairy. Nashville. To Crittenden. Election of John Bell to U.S. Senate; beware of him; favors [Henry] Clay in preference to [Zachary] Taylor; suggests that Taylor run as Vice President. A. L.S. 1p.
p. 113: 02 Feb 1848—Boyd McNairy. Nashville Tennessee. To Crittenden. Favors nomination of [Zachary] Taylor if Crittenden things he can save the country; otherwise he things Henry Clay more satisfactory; hope for termination of the war. A.L.S. 1p.
p.135: 12 Dec 1848—Boyd McNairy. Nashville. To Crittenden. His own political sentiments are Ultra Whig; dislike for John Bell and A[llen] A. Hall. A.L.S. 2p.
p. 149: 14 Apr 1849—Boyd McNairy. Nashville. To Crittenden. Criticizes recent appointments in general; would accept consulship at Frankfort on the Main if offered to him. A.L.S. 2p.
p. 155: 06 Aug 1849—Boyd McNairy. Nashville, Tennessee. To Crittenden. Recent election in Tennessee; local politics; well pleased with President Taylor's administration. A.L.S. 3p.
p. 162: 11 Mar 1850—Crittenden, J[ohn] J[ordan]. Frankfort, Kentucky. To John Middleton Clayton. Recommends appointment of Walter S. McNairy as Secretary U.S. Legation at St. Petersburg. A.L.S. 2p.
p. 162: 19 Mar 1850—Boyd McNairy. Nashville, Tennessee. To Crittenden. Gratitude to Crittenden; sentiments of [Ephraim H.] Foster; possibility of meeting of the Southern Convention and evil that will grow out of it. A. L. S. 2p.
p. 179: 08 Feb 1852—Boyd McNairy. Nashville, Tennessee to Crittenden. Pleased at Crittenden's offering an appointment to his son; loss of his own position; Whigs of Tennessee. L.S. 2p.
Reference: C. N. Feamster, Calendar of the Papers of John Jordan Crittenden, Division of Manuscripts, Library of Congress, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1913
Joint Resolution for the relief of John S. McNairy, of Nashville, Tennessee.
Section 1. Be it resloved by the Legislature of the State of Texas, That the Comptroller of Public Accounts, on receiving proper evidence of the loss of two several certificates of land scrip, number twelve and sixteen, issued by the government of Texas to Thomas Toby, for six hundred and forty acres each, and transferred to John S. McNairy, of Nashville, Tennessee, shall issue duplicates of the same to the said McNairy; which certificates, when issued, may be located on any of the unappropriated pulbic domain of Texas.
Sec. 2. Be it further resolved, That this resolution bake effect from and after its passage.
Approved, January 18, 1848.
Reference: H. P. N. Gammel, ed., The Laws of Texas 1822-1897 Volume III, p. 324, The Gammel Book Company, Austin, Texas, 1898, freely available on Google Books/Google Play
At a meeting of the friends of the present Administration of the General Government, held at Decker & Dyer's in Nashville, 26th April, 1828, WILKINS TANNEHILL, Esq. was appointed Chairman, and John P. Erwin Secretary. The object of the meeting having been stated from the chair, Dr. Boyd McNairy submitted the following resolutions:
1. Resolved, That it is the right of freemen in a government like ours, to assemble themselves together for the purpose of freely expressing their opinions, in relation to the concerns of the great national family, of which they are members—And, that it is also right and proper, pending any great political contest for those who concur in opinion to mingle their reflections and united their efforts for the promotion of the cause they approve.
2. Resolved, That we view the leading measures of the present Administration of the general government, as dictated by sound wisdom and pure patriotism, and calculated, in an eminent degree, to advance the interests of our common country.
3. Resolved, That we view the aspersions attempted to be thrown upon the conduct and character of John Quincy Adams, and Henry Clay, the prominent members of the present Administration, as groundless and unfounded, the result of disappointed hopes and mortified ambition.
4. Resolved, That in order to afford to that portion of our fellow-citizens who concur with us in supporting JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, for the office of President of the United States, and RICHARD RUSH for Vice President, an opportunity of manifesting their preference at the ensuing election, it is proper and expedient that some suitable person should be nominated as Elector for the district composed of the counties of Williamson, Davidson and Rutherford.
5. Resolved, That it be recommended to the friends of Mr. Adams, in said counties, to assemble at Nashville on the 26th of May next, for the purpose of nominating such elector, and for other purposes.
6. Resolved, That the Chairman appoint six persons on the part of this meeting, to meet such as may be appointed from the counties of Rutherford and Williamson.
The resolution were severally read and adopted. Whereupon Boyd McNairy, John P. Erwin, Thomas Welch, Simon Bradford, John Sangster and Elihu S. Hall were appointed to compose the delegation from this meeting at the proposed Convention.
On motion of Mr. Temple, it was resolved, that there be a committee of correspondence to consist of five persons, whereupon Wilkins Tannehill, Matthew Watson, Wm. Temple, Jno. Newman and Walter Simms were appointed.
Dr. Newman presented a written address, pertaining to the objects of the meeting, which was, on motion, referred to a convention to be assembled on the 26th of May, for the purpose of selecting an Elector and for other purposes.
On motion of Mr. Backus it was resolved, that the proceedings of this meeting be published in the news papers of this place.
W. TANNEHILL, Chm.
J.P. ERWIN, Sec'y.
Reference: Reporter (Lexington, Kentucky) 14 May 1828, p. 4 as indexed at GenealogyBank.com
By the Citizens of Davidson County, in the State of Tennessee, to the people of the United States.
The committee selected by the citizens of this county to express their views and feelings on the subject of the next Presidency, approach it with that diffidence, which its high character is naturally calculated to inspire. Every part of the union is equally interested in the choice of their Chief Magistrate; and feeling as the committee do, that they are the humble instruments of a very small portion of these people, no attempt will be made to condense all the reasoning which might be adduced in favor of the man, who is the choice of this section of the Union. In appointing us, our constituents acted only in the ordinary exercise of a constitutional right, in the free expression of their thoughts and opinions; and were it not that they deem it our duty in obedience to their wishes, to express those thoughts, considering the momentous nature of the question, and the various considerations combined in its result, we should shrink under the conviction of our inadequacy to the task.
Of the high and prominent characters that have been designated as fit persons to succeed Mr. Monroe, whoever may be the free and unshackled choice of a majority of the people of the Union, we shall hail as our constitutional ruler. In the administration of the national government, we have no partialities, or sectional feelings to cherish.—It is alike to us, whether our President come from this, or that state, provided he shall be a plain, republican man, who combines in the highest attainable degree, a knowledge of the various interests of the country, with honest of purpose, and energy of will, to select the best constitutional and practicable means of attaining the greatest portion of public happiness; and to effectuate those means.
We hold it to be a principle essential to the preservation of libery in a republican government, that the will of the people, or of a majority, should govern. To expect in this fallen wold, a perfectly fair, unbiased and untrammeled expression of this will, would be chimerical. It was in the contemplation of the constitution, that the people, thorough the medium of electors, should choose their President. Though perfection be not attainable in this sublunary state of existence, yet in this, as in every other high concern of life, we should approach it as near as we can. In doing so, the constitution will be preserved, when every aberration leads to its extinction, leaving us the form, without the substance of freedom—a government of all others the most to be deprecated, because its evils and oppressions are most difficult to be removed.
Every state has its own mode of choosing its electors, within the pale of the constitution. The Legislature of each state may direct the manner of choosing these electors by the people, which necessarily excludes the idea that the Legislature of a state, may itself, make the choice.—That it is constitutionally competent to choose by general ticket, we have no doubt, but this method greatly abridges the freedom of election; in practice and in effect, throwing into the hand of a few (those who frame the ticket) these appointments, which of all others we consider the most important.
The mode of choosing electors by districts seems to be the only correct one, as by it, the people who are to vote, have an opportunity of knowing the principles and character of the person voted for. In any other way, they are necessitated to vote, not from their own personal knowledge, but on the nomination of others, the aristocratic few. We are aware however, that it is inherent in the pride of states as well as individuals, to exert all the influence of which they are capable on important occasions, such as the election of the President of this union—that they are prone to adhere to that mode best calculated to consolidate their whole strength, without a scrupulous regard to the constitutional elective rights of the people. Though we deem it our duty to express the opinion of those we represent, yet we almost despair of seeing a different state of things, until the nation shall, by an amendment of the constitution, establish a uniform mode of elections of the electors of President and Vice President.
Another mode of selecting the President has of late years been adopted, not by state’s having the semblance of constitutionality, but foreign to every feature of it. We mean a congressional caucus, and recommendation. The people are forever told, that their delegation in Congress do not claim the right of choosing the electors, nor the President, but in their individual capacities only, recommend a fit person; and that this is necessary to prevent the evils growing out of an election by the house of Representatives of the United States, in case there should not be a majority of the whole electors in favor of any one person.—Permit us for a moment, fellow citizens, to examine the main grounds of this argument, and some of the objections to which it seems liable.
A want of a majority of votes, in favor of one person, it is [smudged], may some times occur, but it is not probable; in the nature of things it must be of rare occurrence. But suppose it does happen, as the constitution supposes it may, let it be decided in the constitutional mode. Whilst it is the supreme law of the land, let us hold it sacred. Amend the constitution if necessary, but not infringe or evade its provisions, especially in so vital a part as the selection of President. Though it is not anticipated, that it will be necessary to recur to the house of Representatives in the ensuing election, yet should it happen, the consequences are not leared. The Representatives in Congress of the American people, dare no produce a serious commotion in the discharge of a constitutional duty. The people are too enlighten to bear it. It is a familiar case in all the state legislatures, and shall it be said, that so high an responsible, and decorous a body as the house of Representatives of the United States, cannot be trusted, without convulsing the nation! The constitution forbids the idea—it has entrusted them with this power, nor do we know where it could be more safely vested. Not in a Congressional caucus, we are sure, because, if submitted to, it would be of uniform occurrence, when in all probability an election by the house of representative, confer as it is, to the three highest on the list, will not be necessary;—and because, in our opinion, the mode of selection by a congressional recommendation, is liable to much greater objections. According to this mode, the people have no effective agency in the transaction. Of such a nature it is overwhelming influence, that in ordinary times, a great majority of the people in the United States, would immediately acquiesce in such a nomination, without further enquiry; and thus in effect, instead of the selection being made by the people, it would be brought about by the delegation in Congress, contrary to the spirit of a plain and essential provision of the constitution, which declares, that “no Senator or Representative, or person hold any office of trust or profit under the United States, shall be appointed an elector.” Why this prohibition, but to guard the main pillow of our liberties from destruction, by the exercise of either a vitiated or undue influence, or both combined? The committee think it unnecesary to descend to minutiae to demonstrate that the members of Congress might, & probably would be, influenced by feelings far different from those which would govern the great body of the American people. In no country where law exists, has the personal character of the Chief Magistrate greater effect on the people, their liberties & happiness, than in the United States. His patronage is great and the mode of selection by a congressional caucus, judging from the experience of history, and the nature of man, it not now, will in a few years, be subject to great abuses. We cannot avoid seeing, that its inevitable tendency, is the perpetuation of whatever errors and abuses in practice and theory, may creep into the government.—And although no fears are entertained from the execution of an improper influence, by the honest and upright statesmen now in the executive chair, we have no security in the practice of Congressional caucuses for the continued attainment of so desirable an object, but the very reverse. Self interest is the first law of nature, and it is not the insulated interests, feelings or wishes of the incumbent Chief Magistrate, or of the caucus delegation in Congress, but of the great body of the people of the union, which is to be consulted in the selection of the President. Upon his intelligence, republican principles, honesty, and firmness, mainly depend the freedom and prosperity of the nation.
The advocates for the caucus system can have but one end in view, and that is, to cause some one, by means of the influence of a caucus nomination, to be elected, who might not be without it. Now, a caucus nomination will, or will not, have the effect of making the President; If this object be not effected by it, it is then useless; If the object is attained, then congress make the President. The argument stands thus; the congress in 1823,’4, indirectly and most unconstitutionally elect the President, to prevent the same congress from doing the same thing in 1824,’5, directly and constitutionally.
Arguments from necessity are not less untenable; it is urged that it is necessary, first, for the purpose of consolidating the Republican party, secondly, to prevent the election by the house of Representatives. To which, we answer, that there is no federal candidate; they are all republicans, and this ground, if tenable at all failed. The election by the house of representative is not to be deprecated, it was foreseen and provided for by the constitution, and if it were to be feared, the same men are much more to be dreaded in caucus in 1823,4 than when constitutionally called on in 1824,5. It is the same men of the house of representatives, as it respects the next election, who would have to act in Caucus; thus committing themselves, and prejudging the case—those, who by constitution are called on as judges (in case there be not a majority) in 1825, are to determine for the people in a matter of the very highest concern! It is impossible that the people will bear so gross an abuse, as that the house of representatives, their constitutional judges, should voluntarily, in caucus, commit themselves, or prejudge the case!
It is our earnest prayer, that this election may be as free from extraneous influence as the constitution contemplated. Let the people peaceably and quiet meet together, discuss, and express their feelings and opinions; and even the individuals of whom the local Legislatures are composed. Al this is innocent, it is useful, it is in the spirit of freedom, and of the constitution. It has no imposing, no overwhelming, and no destructive influence. By the interchange of these thoughts and opinions, truth and knowledge are obtained;—such, as without unusual corruption, will be sufficient to concentrate a majority of the people, trammelled as the election is, by state regulations.
If, among the people of some three or four of the largest states, constituting a majority, there shall exist a community of feeling, interest, and judgment, eviaced by an unbiased bite as to their chief magistrate, it is the duty of all to acquiesce. But the smaller states, of which there are four fifths of the union, cannot shut their eyes against the unequivocal usurpation and sacrifice of their rights of sovereignty, by a congressional caucus, which probably will be strenuously advocated by the aristocracy of a few of the largest states. The Union is founded on republican principles the constitution provides that people shall have a fair opportunity of selecting their President in the first instance, if a majority can agree; and if they cannot, it then provides for the fair exercise of state sovereignty: & in this even, according to the constitution and the law of nations, each state of the Union will be on an equal footing. The argument then terminates in this:—will nineteen or twenty states, of the middling and smallest class, permit four or five of the largest states, by a maneuver of their members of congress in caucus, to deprive them of a constitutional right, essential to their liberties? In this process all men will remark, that, in caucus the vote of each member of congress from the largest states, will have five times the effect that would be attached to such states, should the election come before the house of represenativies in congress. It is no wonder then, that New York, and a few of the other largest states, should be in favor of a Congressional caucus!
Until lately the nation seemed to be divided into two great, but harmonious interests, the north and the south.—The late war, with the increase of population, has brought into existence, another division, the west, destined ere long from the weight of its population, and hardiness of character, to be at least equal to either of the other two. It is repeated, that these are parts of one great whole, with minor sectional feelings but moving harmoniously within the ???admirable republican constitution, under the genuine auspices of which, we hope to live and die. Though just risen from beneath the horison, the west, is not without her enlightened and distinguished sons of freedom. Among whom none seems more prominent than General Andrew Jackson.
It is not for us to portray the public career and character of this distinguished citizen. His public character is incorporated with the history of the republic—It is in the keeping of a grateful country.—will grow brighter with age, and descend to posterity with undiminished lustre, as one of its richest inheritances.
An accurate knowledge of his worth in the social relations of life, is not so easily acquired, except by his neighbors, and those placed in situations to have personal knowledge of his virtues. From the committee, most of whom have been acquainted with him from his earliest appearance on the theatre of life, this might be expected—Gen. Jackson’s character is as strongly marked in social intercourse, as in his public acts. In search after truth, he is patient and persevering at all times. But the sure strength of understanding, energy of will, and promptness of action, are equally distinguishable in private and public life.—Frank, attentive and urbane to all around him, dispassionate inquiry and reasoning are invited, never meet with impediment, and have nothing to fear in their approach to him. Intelligent, prompt, and clear in his perceptions, Gen. Jackson, being previously informed, things, speaks and acts, with decision. Man, in all his relationship, has been peculiarly the study of his life. Hence his scrupulous fulfilment of his private engagements, seeing that none go away dissatisfied, and his conviction of the necessity of inculcating the principles of the christian religion, which he believes and encourages. He is a light and comfort to his family, to his neighbors, and to his freinds. The finer feelings of humanity are found equally elevated; to this, let the way-worn traveller, the unfortunate and indigent, answer; but their feelings would be merged in the love and gratitude of his sick and dying countrymen, who served in our armies with him.
General Jackson is alike distinguished for private worth and public services; and gratitude as well as conviction of his fitness, leads us to accord to him the preference as the successor of Mr. Monroe; we accordingly submit his merits to the people of the United States. But the committee cannot, in justice to our fellow citizens, come this address, without an assurance, that neither collectively nor individually, have they, or any of them, any knowlege or information, respecting Gen. Jackson’s disposition on the subject. They have only seen his answer to a committee of a meeting in Pennsylvania, from which they are authorized to say, that he has never sought, as they believe he never did, any public employment, nor has he ever declined, when it was the wish of a majority, or a great national interest concerned.—He is assiduously employed on his farm in our neighborhood, in cultivation of which, and with those with whom he associates, no vestige of ambition can be traced;—always happy, but efficient in the sphere assigned him by Providence.
John McNairy Jno. Overton.
R. Whyte Edward Ward,
John Haywood, E. H. Foster.
Reference: Nashville Gazette (Nashville, Tennessee), 25 July 1823, p. 2 as indexed at GenealogyBank.com
Public Meeting.—Agreeably to public notice, a numerous and respectable meeting of the citizens of Nashville and the county of Davidson, was convened at the court-house, on this 29th day of April, 1823, for the purpose of taking into consideration and expressing their opinion on the subject of selecting a suitable person, and recommending him to the people for the office of President of the United States, at the next elections.
On motion, Robert C. Foster was appointed Chairman, and Randal M’Gavock, Secretary.
On motion, the following resolutions were read, and unanimously adopted:
Resolved, That it is the option of the citizens composing this meeting that, at the approaching election of President of the United States, the people ought to select for a candidate, and support for that office some distinguished citizen, whose Republican principles have been tested by long experience; whose political integrity, public virtue, and energy of character, are calculated to administer with purity the government of the United States; and thereby preserve to her that high standing and character which she has attained:
And to that end, Resolved, that we will support for that office, ANDREW JACKSON, and we do recommend him to the people of the United States as peculiarly qualified to discharge the duties of that important station.
Resolved, That a committee be appointed, consisting of the following persons, John McNairy, John Haywood, Robert Whyte, John Overton, Edward Ward and E. H. Foster to prepare and cause to be published an address to the people of the United States, on the subject of the election of the next President of the United States.
Resolved, That the foregoing resolutions be signed by the Chairman and Secretary, and published in the newspapers printed in Nashville.
R. M’Gavock, Sec.—[Whig.
Reference: Daily National Intelligencer (Washington, D.C.) 19 May 1823, p. 3 as indexed at GenealogyBank.com